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<Paper uid="P95-1044">
  <Title>A Computational Framework for Composition in Multiple Linguistic Domains</Title>
  <Section position="3" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
2 Morpheme-based Compositions
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> When the morpheme is given the same status as the lexeme in terms of its lexical, syntactic, and semantic contribution, the distinction between the process models of morphotactics and syntax disappears. Consider the example in (3).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> (3) uzun kol-lu g5mlek long sleeve-ADJ shirt Two different compositions 1 in CCG formalism are given in Figure 1. Both interpretations are plausible, with (la) being the most likely in the absence of a long pause after the first adjective. To account for both cases, the suffix -lu must be allowed to modify the head it is attached to (e.g., lb in Figure 1), or a compound head encompassing the word boundaries (e.g., 1:~ in Figure 1).</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="4" start_page="0" end_page="302" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
3 Multi-domain Combination
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> Operator Oehrle (1988) describes a model of multi-dimensional composition in which every domain Di has an algebra with a finite set of primitive operations 1Derived and basic categories in the examples are in fact feature structures; see section 4.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> We use ~ '~ to denote the combination of categories x and y giving the result z.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2">  lexical entry syntactic category semantic category  Fi. As indicated by Turkish data in sections 1 and 2, Fi may in fact have a domain larger than--but compatible with--Di.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> In order to perform morphological and syntactic compositions in a unified framework, the slash operators of Categorial Grammar must be enriched with the knowledge about the type of process and the type of morpheme. We adopt a representation similar to Hoeksema and Janda's (1988) notation for the operator. The 3-tuple &lt;direction, morpheme type, process type&gt; indicates direction 2 (left, right, unspecified), morpheme type (free, bound), and the type of morphological or syntactic attachment (e.g., affix, clitic, syntactic concatenation, reduplication). Examples of different operator combinations are given in Figure 2.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="5" start_page="302" end_page="303" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
4 Information Structure and
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"/>
    <Section position="1" start_page="302" end_page="302" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
Tactical Constraints
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> Entries in the eategorial lexicon have tactical constraints, grammatical and semantic features, and phonological representation. Similar to HPSG (Pollard and Sag, 1994), every entry is a signed</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="2" start_page="302" end_page="303" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
Fres \]
/LphonJ
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> res-op-arg is the categorial notation for the element. phon represents the phonological string. Lexical elements may have (a) phonemes, (b) metephonemes such as H for high vowel, and D for a dental whose voicing is not yet determined, and (c) optional segments, e.g., -(y)lA, to model vowel/consonant drops, in the phon feature. During composition, the surface forms of composed elements are mapped and saved in phon. phon also allows efficient lexicon search. For instance, the causative suffix -DHr has eight different realizations but only one lexical entry.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> Every res and arg feature has an f or p (property) sign: syn 1 pLSernj syn and sere are the sources of grammatical (g sign) and semantic (s sign) properties, respectively. These properties include agreement features such as person, number, and possessive, and selectional re- null A special feature value called none is used for imposing certain morphotactic constraints, and to make sure that the stem is not inflected with the same feature more than once. It also ensures, through syn constraints, that inflections are marked in the right order (cf., Figure 3).</Paragraph>
    </Section>
  </Section>
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