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<Paper uid="E95-1036">
  <Title>Splitting the Reference Time: Temporal Anaphora and Quantification in DRT</Title>
  <Section position="5" start_page="264" end_page="265" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
6 Additional phenomena
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> In this section we present some applications of our analysis to related constructions. First, we consider the past perfect, as in sentence 2. De Swart (1991) gives this example to illustrate the inability to interpret temporal connectives without the use of the reference times. According to (de Swart, 1991), the subordinate clause determines the reference time of the verb, which lies anteriorly to the event time. Trying to use the event times would give the wrong analysis. This would seem to be troublesome for our approach, which uses the loca-tion time of the event in the main clause, and not its reference time. However, this is not a problem, since our analysis of the perfect by the use of the operator perf, analyses the eventuality referred to by the main clause, as the result state of a previous event. The temporal relation in the sentence is inclusion between the event time of Anne's coming home, and the location time of the result state of Paul's already having prepared dinner.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> Next, we consider narrative progression in quantified contexts, as in sentence 3. The basic construction is just the same as in the paradigm structure, but now we have narrative progression in the consequent box. This narrative progression is handled as ordinary narrative progression in (Kamp and Reyle, 1993), i.e. by resetting the Rpt. The DRS in Figure 5 describes the complex state sl, that after each event of John's coming home, there is a sequence of subsequent events according to his activities.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> Finally, we deal with sentences such as (4), which contain an iteration of an implicit generic quantifier and always. The situation described by John's always squinting when the sun is shining is analyzed as a complex state s3. This state holds whenever John is at the beach, recorded by the condition that the location time t~ of sa overlaps the event time, tl of John's being at the beach, s2 in Figure 6.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="6" start_page="265" end_page="265" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
7 Acknowledgments
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> The work of the second author was partially supported by a grant from the Israeli ministry of science &amp;quot;Programming languages induced computational linguistics&amp;quot;, and by the fund for the promotion of research in the Technion. The authors would like to thank Nirit Kadmon and Uwe Reyle for reading a preliminary version of this paper.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
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