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<Paper uid="C92-4172">
  <Title>SYNTACTIC CONSTRAINTS ON RELATIVIZATION IN JAPANESE</Title>
  <Section position="4" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
2 Basics of JPSG
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> This section describes a brief introduction to JPSG, which is a grammar formalism originally for the Japanese language. As with IIPSG, JPSG is feature based and constraint based grammar.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="5" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
2.1 Features
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> Grammatical categories are represented as sets of features. We list the features used in this paper.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> (1) Features used in this paper pos (part of speech) same ms in IIPSG.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> gr (grammatical relation) takes either subj, obj, or iobj as the value.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> subcat (subcategorization) designates the set of categories (complements) that a particular category (head) requires. Though we have to distingush two types of complements (is., agglutinated or not) in Japanese, for simplicity, we assume that subeat designates tile both types of complements. null dep (dependent) designates the category that a particular category (adjunct) modifies.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> core roughly corresponds to CAT feature in tlPSG \[8\]. Tim value is a set of features including subcat feature and so-called head features such as pos, gr and dep.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> slash designates a syntactic gap within the grammatical category involved.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="6"> sere (semantics) designates the semantic representation of the grammatical category involved. In this paper, categories are designated by a left square bracket (&amp;quot;\[') followed by an indefinite number of feature specifications (a feature name followed by its value) separated by commas(&amp;quot;,&amp;quot;) followed by a right square bracket (&amp;quot;1&amp;quot;). When the value is null or not relevant, the entire feature specification can be omitted. The sharing structure is indicated by variables such as X, Y,..., which is distinguished by an initial capital letter as in programming language Prolog. Finally, a category of the form \[core {pos c, ... } ..... sere s\] is often abbreviated as el...\]:s. Because grammatical relations play no role in ordering complements in Japanese, we assume only a binary-branching phrase structure schema as seeu in the next subsection.</Paragraph>
    <Section position="1" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
2.2 The Phrase Structure Schema and Gram-
matlcal Principles
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> We are assuming three basic phrase structure schema for Japanese: complementation, adjunclion, and co-</Paragraph>
    </Section>
  </Section>
  <Section position="6" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
ACTES DE COLING.92, NANTES. 23-28 AO~'r 1992 1 1 0 0 PROC. OF COLING-92, NANTES, AUG. 23-28, 1992
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> ordination: (2) a. G'omplementation M--~ C If b. Adjure(ion M --* A tl c. Coordination M ~ tit II2  where M stands for an arbitrary mother category, C a complement, lI a tread category, and A an adjunct. Each category is construed as complex symbols, or features, with internal structures. The above structures are uniquely characterized by the features. For example, the head in the complements(ion structure should have subeat feature one of whose value is unitied with the complement, C.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> Furthermore, we assume the following grammartical principles, which are applied to every structures: Head Feature Principle: same as in III)SG. We assume that pos, dep, and other several features are head features.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> Subcat Feature Principle: In the complementation structure shcema (2b), the value of subeat of the mother category unifies with that obtained by subtracting the left daughter category from the value of subcat of the head category. In the other strucrues, the value of subcat of the mother category unifies with that one of the head category.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> Binding Feature Principle: The value of a bin(ling fcaturc of the nlother category unifies with the ration of its value of the left daughter category and its value of the head category minus the category bound of this local branching t. We assume that slash anti some other features are binding features.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> Slash feature aud Binding Feature Principle play a crucial role in describing so-called long distance dependency phenomena. We will discuss them in detail in the following sections.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="7" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
3 Relative Clauses in Japanese
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> Traditionally the relative clause in Japanese has been considered as a kind of so-called ren-1ai syusyoku setu 'the clause for modifying noun'. Because it is charaeterized as an embedded sentence for modifying the head noun in the structure \[s ...\]N, it can be considered ~.s an adjunct to the head noun.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> In this paper, we adopt this idea. Thus, the structure of relative clause-head noun construction can be described as shown in Figure 1, where the left daughter category is a relative clause, and the right daughter category is a head noun. The fact that the left daughter category has dep feature whose value l For example, when the left daughter and the head daughter have { A } and { B } as their slash feature value respectively, the value of slash of the mother will he { A, B } in most cases. llowever, in cane that A can be unifiable with B, the result can  be { A ). Furthermore, in case that A (or B I is bound in the local brnaaching stnmture (as in Figure 4), the result will be { n}(o~{A }).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> \[ core tl \] where II = {pos n}</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> is unifial)le with the right daughter category, characterizes the left daughter (is. relative clause) as all adjunct.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> tlowever, we have to explain where this dep feature comes from. In Japanse, a relative clause ha.~ a tense form at its end. Thus we assume that tense form is categorized as a verb which takes a verb category as its coinplement, l&amp;quot;urthermore, we assume that for every tense form (e.g. -ta and -ru), tbere are two different lexieal entries With the same phouetic form, which we call the preaomiual tense form and the assertive tense form 2. Tile former type is assumed to be the ending form of relative clauses, and has a non-mall value in dep feature. This value is bound with the head noun of the relative clause a</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="8" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
4 Types of Relative Clauses
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> Relative clauses can be classilled into the following three types in terms of their structural characteristics (where C/ marks a gap):  1. SS: Simple Sentence The relative clanse consists of a simple sentence, and the gap plays a role in that sentence, e.g. (3) \[ Naomi-ga 5 yore -da\] hon NOM ACC read PAST book 'tile book which Naomi read' 2. ES: Embedded Sentence  The relative clause includes an embedded sentence in which the gap plays a role, e.g.  (4) \[Naomi-ga \[Taro-ga C/ yom-da\] NOM NOM ACC read PAST -to sinzitei -ru \] hou CMPL believe PRES book 'the book which Naomi believes Taro read' 3. RC: Relative Clause The relative clause inchnles a relative chmse in which the gap plays a role, e.g.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> (5) \[\[C/ C/ kak -ta\]l ..... ga NOM ACC write PAST book NOM yoku ure 4a\] sakka  different lexical el(tries for tense with the same phonetic form {91, 3The assertive tense form is assumed to be the ending form of assertive clauses, and has a null value in dep feature. AcrEs DE COLING-92, NAN'IT!S, 23-28 AO~I' 1992 1 l 0 1 PROC. OF COLING-92, NAI~rES, AUG. 23-28, 1992  As lnoue\[5, 6\] pointed out, the acceptability of the relative clauses varies depending on their types shown above and what roles are played by tbe gaps. The grammatical roles other than subject and object can be classified into the following two types depending on the acceptability of relative clauses sbown in Tablel, where, o, ? and * represent our subjects' judgements are acceptable, marginal, and unacceptable, respectively. : Adjunct 1 : This includes 'locative'(marked by hi, we and de), 'goal'(marked by ni and he) and 'source'(marked by kara).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> Adjunct 2 : This includes 'instrumental'(marked by de), 'reason'(marked by kara) and 'comparative'(marked by yori).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> In order to simplify the formalization, we will regard the marginal cases as acceptable, and the result is shown in Table 2. This simplification, however, may be too permissive, because usually in the RC clauses are acceptable only when tile gap's role is subject.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
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