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<Paper uid="E95-1045">
  <Title>Towards an Account of Extraposition in HPSG*</Title>
  <Section position="5" start_page="304" end_page="305" type="concl">
    <SectionTitle>
3 Predictions and Generalizations
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"/>
    <Section position="1" start_page="304" end_page="305" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.1 Extraposition and Coordination
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> The head-extra schema together with the PMC has the consequence that elements extraposed from objects are bound at VP level, whereas extraposition from subjects involves binding at S level, as illustrated in (37) and (38). This is confirmed by the following coordination data, which shows that an element which is extraposed form the sub-ject cannot occur at VP level: (41) Is Nobody must live here and benefit from income support\] \[who is earning more than twenty pounds a week\].</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> (42)*Nobody must \[vplive here \]\[who is earning more than twenty pounds a week\] and \[vP benefit from income support\].</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> We find similar data for German, where the sub-ject of a finite clause is related to the S projection via a SLASH dependency, and therefore the head-extra schema applies on top of the head-filler schema: (43) Is, Die Behauptung iiberrraschte reich und the claim surprised me and erstaunte Maria\], \[dab Rauchen ung. ist\].</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> puzzled Maria that smoking unh. is  that the CAT and NONLOC value of each conjunct daughter is identical to that of the mother. If we add the assumption that the mother is always marked as \[PER right\], 1deg then the following data with split antecedents can be accounted for: (45) Ein Mann ~iut3erte die Behauptung und eine a man uttered the claim and a Frau leugnete die Tatsache daft Rauchen woman denied the fact that smoking ungesund ist.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> unhealthy is.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="5"> Here EXTRA is shared between the conjuncts and bound at S level. Parallel examples exist for English: null 1degNote that this is possible as the PMC is valid only for headed structures. We also draw on the fact that PER is a LOCAL feature.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="6">  (46) A man came in and a woman went out who knew each other well. (CR)</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="2" start_page="305" end_page="305" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.2 NP-internal Extraposition
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> We also find evidence for extraposed phases within NPs, i.e., examples in which adjuncts precede complements: (47) In \[NP an interview \[published yesterday\] \[with the Los Angeles Daily News\]\], Mr. Simmons said: &amp;quot;Lockheed is actually just a decoy. (...)&amp;quot; (uP) (48) &amp;quot;The question&amp;quot; at \[NP a closed-door meeting \[K mart is scheduled to hold today\] \[with analysts\]\] &amp;quot;will be: Why aren't we seeing better improvement in sales?&amp;quot; (UP) These data are not unexpected in our account, since we posit no fixed position for extraposition, and hence allow that an extraposed NP complement is bound inside the NP itself, provided that an adjunct is present to mark the right periphery of the NP. This is the case in (47) and (48).</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="3" start_page="305" end_page="305" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.3 VP-internal Extraposition
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> Much in the same vein as with NP-internal extraposition, our account accommodates cases of VP-internal extraposition, which are possible with fronted partial VPs in German: (49) \[vp \[Einen Hund fiittern\], \[der Hunger hat\]\], a dog feed which hunger has wird wohl jeder diirfen. (Net) will PART everyone be-allowed (50)* Es wird wohl jeder \[vP \[einen Hund ffittern\], der Hunger hat\], dfirfen. (Net) The contrast between (49) and (50) shows that extraposition inside a VP is possible only if the VP is fronted. If we assume with Nerbonne (1994) that partial VPs exist in fronted position, but not in the matrix clause, this contrast is readily predicted by our account. Only in fronting examples like (49), the VP does form a separate constituent and hence does exhibit the periphery marking needed for extraposition.</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="4" start_page="305" end_page="305" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.4 Generalizations
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> We sum up the generalizations that are captured by our analysis: (a) Relative clauses, sentences, and PPs can be extraposed, nouns and verbs can function as antecedents. These category restrictions are subject to crosslinguistic variation, as the the AELR for English shows (cf. sec. 2.6).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> (b) Both extraposition from fronted phrases and fronting from extraposed elements axe accounted for by our head-extra schema which is constrained by the PMC. In English, fronting from extraposed constituents is disallowed by a language-specific constraint.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> (c) The PMC also entails a nesting requirement for extraposed elements with distinct antecedents. Extraposed elements with the same antecedent are bound at the same level and LPCs apply. For English and German, PPs have to precede sentential material. For other languages, different orderings may be stated.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> (d) The fact that no island constraints for extraposition exist follows from our use of EXTRA: Island restrictions are formulated for SLASH and hence do not apply to extraposition.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> (e) The upward boundedness of extraposition can be captured by stating that a sentence has to be \[INHERIEXTRA { }\].</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="5"> (f) Our analysis predicts the asymmetry between extraposition from subjects and objects as found e.g. in coordination data.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="6"> (g) NP-internal extraposition and extraposition within fronted VPs are captured without the assumption of any further mechanisms.</Paragraph>
    </Section>
  </Section>
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