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<Paper uid="P05-2017">
  <Title>Minimalist Parsing of Subjects Displaced from Embedded Clauses in Free Word Order Languages</Title>
  <Section position="5" start_page="101" end_page="101" type="concl">
    <SectionTitle>
4 Conclusions and Future Work
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> Using the system of Sayeed and Szpakowicz (2004), we have demonstrated a means to parse sentences with constituents extracted from embedded clauses for prosodic reasons in Latin--constituents that appear to be able to escape even subject islands. We were able to maintain the adjacency requirement of our system by making use of discourse features inspired by Rizzi's analysis of the left periphery in Italian in a GB framework. Thus, this highly constrained incremental system was able to parse a sentence with a long-distance displacement.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> In order to do it, though, we had to add a stipulation to the system to allow the constituent that required the displaced one to move to a commanding position. We also took no heed to cyclicity in this system, which given the apparent island violation permitted by these constructions, may not seem so bad, especially since the displaced constituent only moves over one CP in the examples we gave.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> But Kessler finds that there are rare examples where it moves over two CPs. Of course, these cases are even more rare than displacement over a single CP.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> It could be that the difficulty in violating subjacency is what makes these cases rare, but the checking of the discourse feature that causes the displacement is more important.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> One characteristic of our solution and, indeed, Sayeed and Szpakowicz (2004) in general is that in order to maintain incrementality, we do not attempt to return items displaced during generation to their original positions. We still perform only raising, just as in most GB and minimalist accounts of movement. This means that if the constituent of a phrase is higher than its rightful parent in the tree, the lower subtree raises to claim it. In this case, we had to stipulate that constituent subtrees searching for their own constituents could move to intermediate locations as adjuncts, something that Sayeed and Szpakowicz (2004) did not specify. However, we still maintain an essential property of our system: movement happens as soon as possible. This means that the first available compatible intermediate location is sought. It becomes an empirical question, then, whether an intermediate position could ever be a wrong position.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
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